Analysing past and present trends
Going back to the time when Anwar Ibrahim was only an Opposition leader, there were already attacks from all quarters, from accusing him being a spy of Russia, the United States of America and even China, to a video purportedly exposing his “dark secrets” being video recorded with a Chinese prostitute, which was found to be fake.
Hell broke loose the moment he was installed as the country’s 10th prime minister. He is the most persecuted politician in the country, having spent over 10 years in prison on two charges which found him guilty
His ascension from prison to Putrajaya is nothing short of what Thomson Reuters put it as “hard to believe,” as if it cannot be explained except that this was all by divine appointment and intervention.
We will look at a few of the trends and all the accusations hurled against him from the moment he was installed as Malaysian prime minister:
1. After over two decades of fierce opposition, he demonstrated a pragmatic willingness to collaborate with his former rivals to forge a unity government and finally secure the Premiership. Few may realise that Anwar had very few choices when the Agong gave him the opportunity to form a unity government. Muhyiddin Yasin refused to form a unity government with Pakatan Harapan. Ideally, he would have it differently if PH had won big.
A common oversight in this narrative is the enduring network of allies Anwar maintained within UMNO and even within PAS today. Chief among them is Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, a longtime loyalist whose ties to Anwar predated the 1998 schism. In contrast, his true antagonists were Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and Tun Daim Zainuddin—the architects of his ousting and subsequent imprisonment who remained the primary obstacles to his political ascent.
An analysis of Anwar’s cabinet selection reveals a strategic preference for UMNO stalwarts who represent a more moderate or "mild" faction of the party, especially people whom he and the other cabinet members can work with. Rather than tapping firebrands, he curated a lineup of pragmatists—politicians more inclined toward stability and cooperation than ideological confrontation. This selection serves as a calculated move to consolidate the unity government while minimizing internal friction.
While many recall Zambry Abdul Kadir’s ascension as Menteri Besar following the 2009 collapse of the Perak state government as a moment of deep partisan friction, the reality of his relationship with Pakatan Harapan (PH) is far more nuanced. Although he was initially cast as an archenemy of the coalition, recent years have seen a significant shift in rhetoric. For instance, to me, DAP leader Ngeh Koo Ham has since described him as a "friend" and a "very reasonable guy." This suggests that public political narratives often fail to capture the complex, private rapport between rivals. While the power shift in Perak was contentious, it did not define Zambry as a permanent foe; on the contrary, he earned a level of respect from his opponents that transcends party lines—a sentiment underscored by Ngeh’s uncharacteristically favorable endorsement.
There was hue and cry when the government wanted to introduce house arrest as a way to solve the problem of overcongested prisons.
The social media was filled with noises saying that Anwar’s wanted Najib to be placed on house arrest instead of spending the rest of his prison term at Kajang Prison.
This came to a point that Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail had to assure the public that the amendments would not be tabled until June this year. The amendment to revise for house arrest was merely to solve the overcrowding of our prisons, mainly to house petty thieves like a single mother stealing milk to feed her children.
However, as we can see, till now, Najib is not being placed on house arrest, despite the former Agong’s Addendum, which caused some controversy that was also pinned on Anwar as he was accused by Najib’s loyalists on hiding the royal addendum. Despite his explanation that the addendum was sent directly to the Attorney-General’s office (if you care to check again, the letter was addressed to the AG’s, instead of the PM’s office). As Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar’s ascension came much later, the AG had to wait, before the letter was delivered to the new king for a decision. Instead of conceding to the Addendum, Sultan Ibrahim said that Najib was free to submit a new appeal.
What we can see from this episode is the way how all kinds of lies were spread to create the perception that Anwar was trying to curry flavour Najib in order to appease UMNO, but Anwar was also attacked by UMNO for not helping out with Najib’s case.
The addendum was finally brought to the court for a judicial review filed by Najib himself. Its verdict : Justice Alice Loke Yee Ching dismissed the judicial review. The Kuala Lumpur High court ruled “that the addendum was invalid and unenforceable.” Technically, we all knew that the addendum was an after thought, and had not gone through a proper process of consultation between the Agong and the Pardons’ Board.
Upon closer reflection, it becomes clear that much of the "hype" directed at Anwar and the unity government was largely manufactured. The agitation felt by the public was often the result of a deliberate campaign to provoke frustration. These narratives were carefully constructed by those seeking to advance a specific political agenda: destabilizing the administration and orchestrating the downfall of PMX. They need to do this because the investigation against a former Prime Minister and his family under the Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA), especially the foreign assets in United Kingdom, Switzerland and a number of other countries in Europe, is coming to a closure soon. The family of the late Tun Daim Zainuddin has already faced charges. Menara Ilham has, in fact, being seized by the Malaysia Anti-Corruption (MACC). Now, you see why MACC chief, Azam Baki is the main target for those who want Anwar ousted.
3. Anwar globe trotting and not taking care of the local issues
I have, in fact, dealt with this issue in another blogpost, trying to help people understand why Anwar made a number of trips overseas. Read here.
Amidst the rapidly evolving political landscape, a particularly notable trend has emerged: a concerted effort to foster nostalgia for the previous Barisan Nasional (BN) era. Recently, archival videos of the late MIC veteran Tun S. Samy Vellu have resurfaced on social media, seemingly curated to evoke a longing for the "good old days" of his leadership. However, given his polarising reputation and the controversies that marked his tenure, it is highly unlikely that this narrative will gain significant traction or resonate with a public that remembers the complexities of that period. In fact, neither the video nor the late former MIC president is relevant anymore given that he is no longer alive.
Who are the possible players seeking to topple PMX?
• The Old Guard: Most probably led by Tun Dr. Mahathir and the interests surrounding the late Tun Daim. The ability of these families to retain vast assets depends entirely on whether the MACC, under Azam Baki, is allowed to complete its investigations. This includes their loyalists such as former New Straits Times head honcho Datuk Kadir Jasin, whose Facebook account is used to demonise the Madani government over anything under the sun, some of which he himself should know better, is inherited from the years when Barisan Nasional (BN) was in power. He surely cannot expect the Madani government to instantaneously transform a civil service mindset entrenched by decades of systemic rot.
• The "Gravy Train" Faction: Elements within the civil service resistant to the anti-corruption drive. For them, the past represented an era of unchecked entitlement and "endless gravy trains" that current reforms threaten to derail. This is evidenced by the unprecedented prosecution of top military leaders, including a former Armed Forces Chief and a former Army Chief, for defense procurement corruption.
• The Political Rivals: PN leaders in PAS and Bersatu who utilize Parliament and social media to viralize attacks. Their goal is simple: to see Muhyiddin Yassin or Hadi Awang in power.
• The Internal Dissenters: Disgruntled figures and "pro-Mahathir" holdovers. This includes those like Rafizi Ramli and Latheefa Koya; it is worth remembering Latheefa was "parachuted" into the MACC chief role as an outsider during the previous administration, raising questions about her enduring political alignments. Rafizi is an intelligent younger person compared to Anwar; however, his ego which is easily bruised, can be manipulated by masterminds working behind the scene.
• The occasional Self-Styled Whistleblower with Entangled Interests
Albert Tei is an interesting controversial figure who came on the platform out of nowhere. It is quite obvious that, although he branded himself to be a businessman, he is more of a broker whose business was to obtain licenses on behalf of his clients. Crudely speaking, he would be what we would call a ‘runner.’
When he first appeared on the scene, it was to expose the corruption of Sabah politicians, whom he himself had bribed, but did not receive the licenses as he would have hoped for.
When he failed to be treated as a whistleblower, he then turned around against Anwar, Azam Baki as well as one of Anwar’s political aides. As I predicted, it is likely that Shamsul Mohd Akin will be able to defend his case in court, as the letter he produced did not specify any particular company; instead it was a list of companies that he felt the state government should assess.
• The ordinary rakyat. Over the years, some ordinary rakyat have been hurt due to the race-based policies, perhaps missing out on an opportunity for a promotion. The cybertroopers know the raw nerves and unhealed wounds that they can strike at and play up more racial sentiments.
Moving Forward
I have made this effort to educate and share my analyses in order to help all of us to follow the current political development to understand what is really happening and avoid being used.
If you ask me for a reasonable response to all the accusations hurled against Anwar, I would say just ignore them. There are matters far more important now that the country needs to move forward. Within just three years, the country is in a better state and recently JP Morgan identified Malaysia along with China to be the two most resilient economies in Asia to weather the challenges of the Middle East conflict.
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